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be a frre “᾽.“.“-.Ὁ Σ ay ΧΟ eee re πος «ἀφο τονε Cee OTe ek eo ee .“οϑοοοσν ΘΝ GEN eee σ + ee eal γι. oe oer as - . . —— 2 one . 5 —_ wind ~~ —, + ~ 4 - po - 7 Pe Ge tet ON me . aon ~ »» o- : a o~-* ᾿ ᾿ , να
Sse. tite
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“A ἣν FoAe\ fa
“Ἢ
THE
Pea SSITCAL REVIEW
Gitte. Yo Veo. De ROUSE AND A> DP: GODLEY
BOARD OF MANAGEMENT:
Pror. R. S. CONWAY, Litt.D. (Chairman) Pror, J. F. DOBSON, M.A. (Hon. Treasurer) Pror. A. C. CLARK, Litt.D., F.B.A. Hon, (Secretary) Pror. GILBERT MURRAY, LL.D., D.Litt, F.B.A., F.R.S.L.; Pror. C, FLAMSTEAD WALTERS, M.A.; CYRIL BAILEY, M.A.; Pror. W. RIDGEWAY, D.Litt., Litt.D., Sc,D., LL.D., F.B.A.
With the co-operation of—Pror. W. GARDNER HALE, University of Chicago ; PRINCIPAL Sir W. PETERSON, LL.D., C.M.G., McGill University, Montreal; Pror. T. G. TUCKER, Litt.D., University of Melbourne.
VOLUME XXXIV.
A AN
ἜΝ )
PUBLISHED FOR THE CLASSICAL ASSOCIATION
LONDON JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
NEW YORK G. E. STECHERT & CO., 151-155, WEST 25TH STREET
1920
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Original Contributions:
The Hyperboreans. S. Casson
Sappho’s Nereid-Ode Again. MONDS
The Ignorance of Antilochus : Interpolation. L. H. ALLEN
The Deus ex Machina in eigen APPLETON : :
Ἑτοπίο. C. R. Haines
‘Communis Sensus.’ H., J. THoMson
Some Difficulties in the Letters of Cicero. H, J -sRosE. *
The Art of Virgil’s Poetry. te πατῇ HEADLAM -
‘Acies’ and ‘Arces.’ A, W. VAN BUREN
A Note on an Old Grammarian, with a Correction, Εἰ, Η. Cotson
J. M. Ep-
A Study in R, B.
Notes :
Note on Herodotus IV. ro9. 8. Casson . A Note on Plato’s Definition of Colour. F, A, WRIGHT. : ; A New Word in St. John Damascene. STEPHEN GASELEE . ξ Plato Rep. 4210 Ο A’ EKEINO AETON PEQP- POTS TINAS KTA. R.G. Bury. ‘Anaphus.’ H. J. THomson Juvenal X. 78. D.A.S. Ε 3 Notes on Apicius, W.M. Linpsay . Anthologia Latina, J. WHATMOUGH Horace (C. I. 14). N.C. ARMITAGE
Original Contributions :
Cornificius as Daphnis? TENNEY FRANK
Some Vicissitudes of Erh, Nic. IV. 8. 6. C. M. Mutvany . : - 5 . Polybiana ΧΧ. 12, 1. W.R. Paton
Sophoclea, A. Οἱ PEARSON. : Terentiana (Continned from C.R. XXXII. 99-102). J. S. PHILLIMORE
Notes:
Sappho’s Nereid Ode.
Euripides, Heracles 725.
Plato, Theaetetus 1888,
Aeschylus, Eumenides 684. RAPHAEL.
The Meaning of Κρίσις as a Medical Term. E.. WITHINGTON
An Interpretation of Horace Odes III. 3. Norman W. Ὁ. WItTt : :
eines Beet. .
R. B. APPLETON W. H. D. Rouse Cepric M.
Martial II. xiv. τ Exur . Reviews: The ae ee νων SMITE ΕΣ Rouse . :
Noss: ΤΕ ΟΣ pace | Reviews: The Art of Teaching, R. B. APPLETON | Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, Vol. XXVIII. G.W. BUTTERWORTH . Harvard Studies in Classical EUUIGey: Vol. XXIX. R.G. Bury Greek Noun-Formation. G, E. K. Bravn- cae HOLTZ 14 | TT. Macci Plauti, Menaechmi. E, A. SONNEN- 18 | SCHEIN . ὃ : : Antique Prose - Rhythm, ALBERT (Ὁ. ee CLaRK ; : i 23 | 26 | Short Notices: 28 | Spirit, Soul, and Flesh. W. K. LowTHER CLARKE . The Origin of the Doctrine of the Trinity. ἘΞ GSB: 30 A Grammar of New Testament Greek. RG. Bury. 31 Caesar’s Gallic War αν. 20- 38 and iV.) Ε. H. BLAKENEY 32 32 | Obituary: 32 33 R. H. Horton-Smith, K.C., M.A. 33 33 ΣΙ 34 | Books Received Nos. 3, 4. | Reviews—continued : 49 | The Use of Φύσις in Fifth-Century Greek Literature. G. E. K. BRAUNHOLTZ 51 | Miscellanea. FRANK GRANGER 54, Some School Books. Σ. Ἶ : 56 | Possidius’ Life of St. Augustine. ΟΣ. ] EVELYN-WHITE . : 57 | A Latin Anthology. J. Wicut Durr Short Notices: 6 The Rise of the Equites in the Third 3 Century of the Roman Empire. T. 63 The Syntax of High-School Latin: A Co- 63 operative Study. W. E. P. PantTIN 64 Meeting of the Classical Association 64 Obituary : 65 Roger James Cholmeley oe | Notesand News . - ᾿ | Correspondence .
Books Received: .
PAGE
35 37 38 39 40
42
45 46 46
47
47
48
Original Contributions :
Notes on Thucydides, Book VI. A. W. GOMME
Some Emendations of Pindar. R. J SHACKLE .
Lykos and Chimaireus. 9. EITREM .
A Numismatic Note on the Lelantian War. P. GARDNER Ticidas the Neoteric Poet. TENNEY FRANK
Some Readings in Achilles Tatius. T. ἊΝ, LUMB : Horace, Odes I. 34. η: ἢ: H. Vince .
Some Passages from the Metamorphoses of Ovid. D. A. SLATER : :
Notes:
The Meaning of ἀφατεῖν in a Spartan In- scription. Grace HarrizT Macurby Further Notes on the Homeric Hymns,
R, J. SHACKLE ‘ Plato’s Definition of Colour’ on R. XXIV.
p. 31). W.C.F. ANDERSON . : Bacchylides V. 142. Ε J. Brooks Diogenes Laertius 1, 104. A. S. FERGUSON Plato, Theaetetus 1888. R.G. Bury . : Virgil, Aen, 11. 567-588. A.W.VaN BUREN Sulla and Cisalpine Gaul, Μ, Cary
Reviews:
The Ichneutae of Sophocles. A. 5. Hunt and E. A. SONNENSCHEIN : Beitrage zur Griechischen Religionsge-
schichte III. H. J. Rose
Original Contributions :
The Hyporcheme of Pratinas. Η, W. GARROD . : Ξ -
The Hyperboreans again, Abaris, and Helixoia. Grace H. Macurpy
Orientation of the Dead in Greece and Italy. H.J. Rose .
Terentiana (continued from C.R. XK 99 and XXXIII.). J. 5. PHILLIMORE . é
Notes and Suggestions: A. Athenaeus, B. Horace, C. Plautus. T.G. Tucker
When did Agricola become Governor of Britain? J. G. C. ANDERSON
De Nihilo. A. E, HousMAN
Notes:
Appian, Civil Wars, I. Ch. 14. Μ. Cary . Hero and Leander. T. W. Lums
Aeneid XI. 309. 1. ΝΥ. M. Alapari. W. M. Linpsay Punctuation of Livy XXVII.
FURNESS. On the Latin Pentameter, ‘ARTHUR PLatt
‘SoM Μ:
Reviews:
Allen and Flickinger on the Greek Theatre. G. C, RicHarDs :
Nos.
PAGE
ΙΟῚ
Ior | IOI | 102 | 102 |
103
104 |
108
Nos.
129 137 141: 147 152
158 161
164 165 165 167
167 168
169
THE CLASSICAL REVIEW
5, 6.
Reviews—continued :
Bywater's Four Centuries of Greek Learning in England. A. E, HOUSMAN . 3 My Commonplace Book. R,. B. APPLETON
| Aspects, Aorists, and the Classical Tripos.
LioypD Storr-BEsT ; 3 Ξ
Le Culte des Héros. Η. J. Rose
The Lewis House Collection of Ancient Gems. Y.
The Octavius of Minucius Felix. C. CLARK ᾿
A New Verse Translation of ‘Lucretius. Ο. BAILEY -
T. Macci Plauti Menaechmi. NENSCHEIN
Postgate’s Phaedri Fabulae Aesopiae HousMAN :
ALBERT
E. ih Son- A E.
Short Notices:
Texts for WHITE ;
Translations of Christian Literature . .
A Handbook of Attic Red-Figured Vases. ἘΣ ΤΩ ἡ
Horace and His Age: A ‘Study in His- torical Background
Students. C. H. EVELYN-
|
} .
Version. H, RACKHAM
|
' Notes and News
|
| Correspondence
| Books Received
ae | Reviews—continued : Origin and Meaning of Apple Cults. H. J. RosE : : Seneca. J. Wicut Dorr . Martial: Epigrams. J. Wicut DurF
An Economic eres of Rome to the End of the Republic. W. W. How
Short Notices:
The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. W. Η. Ὁ. ΚΕ. Euclid in Greek: Book I. W.H.D.R. Aristophanes and the War Party.
Etudes sur la Signification et la Place de la Physique dans la Panel de Platon. R. G. Bury
Literary Recreations and "More Literary Recreations. R. B. APPLETON
Epicuro: Opere, frammenti, testimonianze sulla sua vita. R. G. Bury
Notes and News
Correspondence
Books Received
Index
PAGE
10 11
τ 13 114
116 117 [18 120
Ι2Ὶ
125 125
125 126 127 127 127
128
172 176 176
178
. Bo 180 181 180 182 182 182. 183 185
Ss Sl eel a
~Dodona and the
The Classical Review
FEBRUARY—MARCH, 1920
ORIGINAL CONTRIBUTIONS
THE HYPERBOREANS.
A RECENT attempt? to find a meaning for the term ‘Hyperborean’ raises several interesting problems for his- torians. The Hyperboreans, we are told, are to be located in particular somewhere near Monastir, in Macedonia, or in general among the ranges of the the Balkans—according to our prefer- ence for the interpretation of ‘ Bora’ (the version given by Livy? of the Herodotean Βέρμιον ὄρος) as the hills of Pelagonia, or as meaning vaguely any mountains in and about Macedonia.
The author of this suggestion refers to the well-known story of the Περφερέες, who brought the sacred gifts to Delos from distant and legendary regions via Maliac Gulf, and proceeds to explain that the stories about the Hyperboreans from whom the gifts came had their origin in a district astride the old trade route, which later became the Via Egnatia.
The inconsistency in attributing the origin of these myths to a region within easy reach of the half-way point in the Hyperborean road is evident; if Herodotus believed the Hyperboreans of this story to be, at the nearest, well beyond the head of the Adriatic, to put them in Macedonia, or, in fact, on any other part of the route except the northern or eastern end of it, involves an interpretation of the story which no critical method can justify.
The suggestion, therefore, that ‘the myth of the Hyperboreans grew up in
_ Paeonia, on the Pierian side of Bora- ᾿ς Bermios,’ and that ‘from the sheltered
land of rose-gardens and plenty at its Pierian foot arose the tales . . . of the people over the Bora to the North-West,
- 1 C.R. 1916, No. 7, p. 180. 2 XLV. 29. ‘NO. CCLXXVI. VOL, XXXIV.
whom the Greeks later called the Hyper- boreans, and fancied they lived beyond the North wind,’ * demands investiga- tion, if only from the point of view of historical criticism.
The whole theory, as I understand it, depends upon the derivation of the word ‘Hyperborean’ from the ‘Bora’ of Livy and the Βέρμιον of Herodotus.
Were there but few references to the Hyperboreans in ancient writers this
» theory would at least be plausible. It
would be even stronger were there no other Bora. Herodotus and his con- temporaries, however, have much to say on Hyperboreans, while the hills round the town of Bora (or Sabora) in Southern Spain* may, on purely etymo- logical grounds, be δὴ alternative habitat! In the later case the points of the compass, it is true, need a certain adjustment, but Spanish rose-gardens might well replace those of Pieria !
The main problem at issue, however, is not to discover the whereabouts of Hellenic Hyperboreans, for the term ‘Hyperborean’ was. used, for all practical purposes, in later times as a title for servants of Apollo who were associated with the various ceremonies connected with the return of the god from the land of the Hyperboreans. The difficulty to be dealt with is rather to locate the pre-Hellenic or non- Hellenic Hyperboreans than to identify the mythical people of later classical literature.
In dealing with this question we encounter a fairly substantial body of evidence which takes us eastwards from the haunts of Apollo to the
3 CLR. loc. cit. p. 182, 183. i Pi? ea. bora:
2 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW
steppe country of Central Asia.* But we are met at the outset by the very definite statement of Herodotus that the Scythians knew nothing about Hyperboreans, and that the Issedones, as far as he could discover, were equally ignorant, although he admits that they might possibly know something.” From the rather contentious tone of his remarks, and from the subsequent curt dismissal of the evidence of Abaris,® one derives the impression that the historian is referring to rival theories * as to the origin of the Hyperboreans, and siding with no view that derived them from any definite region. He inclines rather to a rationalistic view of his own, according to which Hyper- boreans and Hypernotians represented respectively the northern and southern fringes of the inhabited world, and served only as geographical terms.
The stories of Abaris and Aristeas, as being the records of the earliest Greek travellers, seem, however, to deserve more investigation than Hero- dotus thought fit to apply to them. On the evidence of Herodotus they represent views to which he was opposed, and it is clear that the rationalistic method he so often fol- lowed excluded on many occasions from his consideration facts which, while unattractive in form, might, in many cases, have been historically valuable.
Abaris came from the Caucasus,’ and, like Aristeas, was connected with the worship of Apollo. Both, as far as fable can be separated from fact, were contem- poraries, and clearly responsible for the tradition which identified the Hyper- boreans with extra-Scythic tribes in the Far East of the ancient world. The bard Olen, himself a Hyperborean
1 Aristeas (Hdt. IV. 13) gives us the series Issedones—Arimaspi—Griffins—H yperboreans —6dadaooa, while Damastes (Steph. Byz. s.v. ‘YmepB.) gives it as Scythians—Issedones— Rhipean mountains—Hyperboreans—y ἑτέρα θάλασσα.
5. ἘΨ 32: 3 IV; 36:
4 An echo of the rival theories may, perhaps, be found in the scholiast to Pindar O/. III. 28, where Philostephanus represents the ‘ North Greek,’ as opposed to the ‘ Pelasgian’ theory of others.
5 Ovid, Metamorth. V. 86.
according to one legend, came from Lycia, not from the North, and, accord- ing to Pausanias,® was the first to refer to Hyperboreans. That Herodotus should have discredited both Aristeas and Abaris equally is only natural in a historian of such high critical ability. But it is none the less likely that they, with Olen the Lycian, were responsible for the views as to the Eastern origin of the Hyperboreans which Herodotus refused to accept. Views of this nature were presumably to be, found set forth in such works as the Περί ᾿Εθνῶν of Damastes, who placed the MHyper- boreans beyond the Arimaspi,’ and, perhaps, in Hellanicus, to whom a work on Eastern ethnology is attributed. The same tradition seems to have been followed in the fourth century B.c., both by Megasthenes in his ᾿ἵνδικά and by Hecataeus of Abdera in a work entitled Περί τῶν Ὑπερβορέων. Both these writers appear to have travelled in the very regions where this tradition places the Hyperboreans. Hecataeus mentions an island called ᾿Ελίξοια, and its inhabitants, the Καραμβύκαι, a tribe of the MHyperboreans, while Megasthenes finds current in India the story of a race that lived for a thousand years, whom he calls Hyperboreans.® Both writers thus reproduce indigenous stories of the usual Hyperborean type. Pausanias later followed the same tradition, and placed the Hyperboreans far in the East beyond the Arimaspi.’°
The alternative theory, which Hero- dotus seems to reject equally, that the Hyperboreans belonged somewhere to the north of Greece, is attested by a mass of evidence connecting them with the worship of Apollo. Here they become part and parcel of things Hellenic, and later forms of the tradi-
ne Pvp δ:
7 Steph. Byz. s.v. Ὑπερβόρεοι.
8 An eastern type of name.
9 Strabo XV. 711. Stories of this type still survive in the Middle East. Thus, in Circassia ‘it is said that there are certain Eden-like districts in the interior, only known to this people (the Circassians) sheltered by the (Cau- casian) Alps from every harsh wind, where the cold of winter and the heat of summer are equally unknown’ (Spencer, Turkey, Russia, the Black Sea, and Circassia, 1854, p. 241).
10 1, 31, Ze j
THE CLASSICAL REVIEW 3
tion even identify them with the Delphians; while Posidonius, acting on the same principles which had made them Hellenic, places them in the Italian Alps, and makes them Latin! It is hardly surprising that the same tradition should again be drawn upon to find them a home in Pelagonia.}
The process in general thus seems to have been one of the gradual Helleni- sation of a non-Hellenic group of stories, and not, as has been suggested,” the reverse. The Hyperboreans asa nucleus of myths and travellers’ tales belong essentially to the Far East of antiquity. The griffins which are so closely associ- ated with them belong to Asia, while the celestial calm which characterises the Utopian conditions of the land of the Hyperboreans may well be some faint echo from civilised China which teached the informants of Abaris and Aristeas,? and was reproduced ‘by Hellanicus in the formulae current in early Greek ethnology.‘
The legends of the Hyperboreans undoubtedly reached Greece from the East in the first part of the sixth century B.c. at the latest. The false etymology which caused Herodotus to create his Hypernotians may have arisen later, and the original name may have been a genuine tribal name in its original form. The general idea of a people of the type which might be
1 The author of the article referred to in the C.R. states incidentally that ‘the modern bishopric still preserves the name Pelagonia.’ In the same way the Vardar ‘ preserves’ the ancient name of Axius—by revival. Until more used to the ancient names the modern inhabi- tants will continue, as at present, to ‘ preserve’ them only on official documents and maps.
2 Farnell, Cz/zs. vol. iv. p. 103, note.
3 This view is put forward by Tomaschek, quoted by Minns (Scytitans and Greeks, p. 114), and was previously suggested by Gladisch (Roscher Lextkon, col. 2829).
4 The ‘ justice’ and ‘simple life’ of primitive tribes is 4 commonplace in Herodotus.
pictured as inhabiting an Ultima Thule exactly suited the needs of the various Apolline cults which were so closely concerned with the little known and barbarous countries north of Doris and Acarnania. The more pleasant the legends, the more suitable they would be to fill a gap in mythical geography. The Hyperboreans to whom Herodotus rather grudgingly attributes the story of the Ileppepées were not necessary to the account ; they served to round off what would otherwise have been an incom- plete description of a journey. The theory which identifies the Περφερέες themselves, on philological grounds, with the Hyperboreans seems to me to be seriously incommoded by Apollo legends. If the Περφερέες were the Hyperboreans, why should Apollo visit their land when they were engaged in visiting the shrines of Apollo? The Hyperboreans seem to provide a con- venient name for otherwise nameless regions, and are accompanied by their mountains the Rhipeans, which, in the days of Aristeas, were in the Far East, while in the time of Posidonius they were in Italy. Incidentally, if Hyper- borean means ‘ from over the Bora,’ the Rhipeans which, in all forms of the legend, play the part of the Balkan Bora quite satisfactorily, seem rather difficult to dispose of.
The whole story ef the Hyperboreans, in short, seems to represent a failure on the part of early Greek ethnology. It originated in the days when the study of men and their habits was developing scientifically, became discredited be- cause of its vagueness, and was, as a result, relegated to the sphere of myth- ology and religion.
S. CASSON. British School, Athens.
5 Cf. also Protarchus quoted by Steph. Byz. σιν. ‘YrepB.
4 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW
SAPPHO’S NEREID-ODE AGAIN.
Tue tenth volume of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri has so greatly increased our knowledge of the work of Sappho and Alcaeus that it has become necessary to revise, not indeed our estimate of it as literature, for that is beyond cavil, but our attempts to restore the corrupt and mutilated texts to the form in which they were known in antiquity. For myself, I have found, too, that the experience gained by working at these fragments, off and on for ten years, has made me doubt in certain places the probability of my earlier essays in re- construction. The present paper is the result of a second inspection of Ox. Pap. 7, now known as Brit. Mus. Pap. 739, and a new reconstitution of the original by the tracing of letter-groups from the facsimile in Ox. Pap. I, and is intended as a revision of an article pub- lished in the Classical Quarterly in the October of Igog.
The poem is in form a propempticon, supposed to be sent to Sappho’s brother, the wine-merchant, in Egypt, in reality an offer of reconciliation handed to him on his return from one of his voyages to Naucratis. The reference in 1. 13 is to the famous poem in which his sister rebuked him for his connection with the notorious Doricha or Rhodopis, of which Herodotus says, II. 135, Χάραξος δὲ ὡς λυσάμενος Ῥοδῶπιν ἀπενόστησε ἐς Μυ- τιλήνην ἐν μέλεϊ Σαπφὼ πολλὰ κατεκερ- τόμησέ μιν. That poem may possibly
be identified with the fragment of an
ode which precedes the poem beginning οἱ μὲν ἱππήων στρότον in Ox. Pap. 1231, a fragment from which we learn that there was at one time a break between Charaxus and Rhodopis.
The line of the initial letters of the reconstruction is arrived at by the method described in my earlier paper. I do not now, however, find it necessary to suppose the Papyrus to have had toy and tay for τὸν and τὰν in ll. 2 and 9. In]. 2 there is beneath the hole a speck of ink where the bottom of. o would come. The acute accent is visible
,above. In 1. 5 Joc@ is, I think, certain ; I had before thought Jac@ more prob- able, but the stroke that looks like part
of a is not ink. In 1. 9 my reading of the facsimile was δεφέλοι, 1.6. an Atti- cisation of δ᾽ ἐπέλοι; after my first examination of the Papyrus I corrected this on p. 320 of the same number of the Class. Quart., having decided that there was no trace of ¢ or any other letter,’ and reverting to Blass’ δὲ [θ]έλοι. The other day I found, to my great surprise, that after all there is a very distinct trace of a letter here, and that the letter is certainly not 6. I remember that when I first examined the Papyrus, in the autumn of 1000, I could not get a very good light upon it, though at the time I thought it sufficient. I can only say that I now know that it was not sufficient, and must throw myself on the mercy of my readers. The remains of the letter in question consist of the end of its lower right-hand part. The letter is most probably ἃ or x, possibly y or 6. This gives us δέ x’ ἔλοι, which involves an important change in the structure of the Ode. What was thought to be an optative of wish is now found to be potential—a quasi-apodosis (with δέ) to the prayers and wishes of the previous stanzas. In ]. 13 there are three dots before εἰσαΐων, of which only the first is ink. This is quite possibly the bottom—which in this hand is pointed—of o; this gives us κῆρ, ὄνειδος εἰσαΐων, which not only fits my reconstitution exactly, but is, I think, a great improvement on the pro- posals based on the supposition that the letter was μ. In the same line, after ypw comes a spot of ink. It does not look like the top of a lost iota, and is in the position of a colon. If it is a colon, it must, I think, like the ‘diaeresis’ over the p in 1. τ, δα ἃ mistake. The traces at the beginning of 1. 18 are consistent with Jyn; Jpn I do not now think likely. The remains are apparently the top right-hand piece of y and the top left-hand piece of η. In |. το the Papyrus has κακάνϊ ; this © accent points either to κακών pot (or cot) with Atticised accentuation, or to some three-syllable compound of κακός.
1 So Grenfell and Hunt, Ox. Pap. 1.
THE CLASSICAL REVIEW ris
The former would involve a consonantal beginning tol. 20. I choose the latter. In 1. 20 the traces—the lower half of an upright stroke—favour Jn; « would probably be more slanting.
I now read the Ode as follows:
[Xptcras] Νηρήϊδες, ἀβλάβηϊν μοι] [τὸν κασίγνητον δότε τυΐϊδ᾽ ἴκεσθαϊι,]) [xd μὲν] we θύμωι κε θέλη γένεσθαι, [ταῦτα τε]λέσθην " 5 [dcca δὲ πρ]όσθ᾽ ἄμβροτε, πάντα λῦσα[ι] [καὶ φίλοισι Εοῖσι χάραν γένεσθαι [καὶ δύαν ἔϊχθροισι " γένοιτο δ᾽ ἄμμι [δύσκλεα μ]ήδεις " [τὰν κασιγ]νήταν δέ κ᾽ ἔλοι πόησθα ει] 10 [ἔμμορον] τίμας, [ὀν]ίαν δὲ λύγραν [καὶ λόγοις] ὄτοισι π[ά]ροιθ᾽ ἀχεύων [ἄμμον ἐδά)μνα ; [κῆρ ὄνειδο]ς εἰσαΐων τό x’ ἐν χρῶι [κέρρεν, ἀλ]λ᾽ ἐπ᾿ ἀγ[λαϊ]ᾶι πολίταν 15 [ἐκλάθεσθ᾽) & rein’, [dra] νῆ κε δαῦτ᾽ οὗ- [δεν διὰ μά]κρω, [καὶ συνάορ]ον, ai κε θέλη, ᾿ξίοι )σι [ἐν λέχεσσ᾽ ἔ᾽Ἰχην " σὺ [δὲ], λὺγί ἕ pel μΊνα, μα πρὸς γάᾶι] θεμ[έν]α κακάν θην] 20 [ἄλλα πεδάγρ |n.
The following apparatus supplements what I have said above: 1 P vnjinides 2 Ρ vid 3 P |oOvpwoxe : P γενεσθαι. (=yéverOar, not γένεσθαι.) 4 P Ἰλεσθην" 5 P apBpore. (=auBpote,) : P πάντα 6 P χάραν 7 P & 8 P 4|ndes: 9 Ρ κελοιπόησθαί 10 λύγραν 12P probably ἀμὸν 13 the traces suit Jo; no definite trace of |w: P ewaiol : P eyypw: 14 P probably αγλαᾶν a possible, but here unmetrical, Aeolic form 2) ae. 15 P δ᾽ avr’. 18 the traces suit χη: P jynv- τῷ P xaxar[ 20 the traces suit |y rather than |:.
The Ode may be thus translated:
'*Golden Nereids, grant me I pray my brother’s safe return, and that the true desires of his heart shall be accom- plished, and putting away his former errors he shall become a delight to his friends and a grief to his enemies; and may our house be disgraced of no man. Then shall it be his to bring honour to his sister; and the sore pain and the words wherewith, in bitter resentment of a taunt that must have cut to the
quick, he sought ere he departed to overwhelm my heart,—O, when return he does on some near day, his it shall be to forget amid his fellow-townsmen’s mirth what he left behind him when he went away, and to have a mate, if he desire one, in wedlock due and worthy; and as for thee, thou black and baleful she-lynx, thou mayst set that evil snout to the ground and go a-hunting other prey.’
I add some notes on the new readings with a few comments on those I have retained. In 1. 3 κἂ μέν is preferable to κὥσσα as marking the contrast. In 1. 7 δύα is now proved to have belonged to the Lesbian vocabulary by Ox. Pap. X. 1234. 2.1.10. On ἄμμε in 1. 8 my earlier note says: ‘The dual is rare in Lesbian; hence ἄμμε not νῷν. The dual is now well established for the dialect, cf., besides one of the Berlin Fragments (=New Fragments 4. 20), Ox. Pap. X. 1231. 14. 12. It is now clear that the whole family is meant here. The construction in 1. 9 calls for a word of comment. The infinitive with ἔλοι is the logical counterpart of the infinitive with δότε; and although I can find no exact parallel, I think it should not be considered difficult, espe- cially as it is possible to feel κασυγνήταν as the direct object of édos and πόησθαι as epexegetic, a feeling which by a slight shift, such as is common enough in a long sentence, becomes modified later when we get to ἐκλάθεσθαι. To the possible objection that we should expect λάβοι rather than ἔλοι I would urge that aipéw ‘to win or gain’ is quite natural where the suggestion is ‘get by deserving it. For the ayhaia, or feast of welcome, in 1. 9, cf. Lycidas’ song, Theocr. 7. 52 ff., itself a pro- pempticon for a friend travelling to Mytilene. On δαῦτ᾽ in |. 15 my earlier note says “‘back again’ like πάλιν. On Theocr. 11. 22, Class. Rev. 1912, p. 245, 1 have suggested ‘hither’ with the alternative ‘when return he does
(as I hope he will).’ ‘In Alc. 19 1 now
take δεῦτε or δηῦτε as -- δή (see Camb. Philol. Soc. Proc. 1916, p. 13); in Ale. Berl. Aberd. Frag. 6 the true reading is δῆθ᾽, ic. 590a.1 Thus my evidence is
1 Class. Rev. 1917, Ὁ. 33.
6 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW
removed for the non-imperative use of δεῦτε, δαῦτε, or δηὖτε to mean ‘ hither’; and so both here and in Theocr. II. 22. I would now take it as equivalent to δή, the effect here being to recall the reader to the first request of the Ode,—* when return he does, as I am praying he may.’ In]. 18, for the elision of the « of λέχεσσι, cf. Bergk, P.L.G. Frag. Adesp. 51 ἀρμάτεσσ᾽ ὀχήμενος, where the dialect points to Alcaeus or Sappho; cf. also ὀττ᾽ ἔμῳ Sa. 1.17. For yaau= γαίᾶι in 1. 19, cf. Sa. 44 Φωκᾶας,
gt Ὑμήναᾶον et al. In the same line κακάνθην is accusative of κακάνθης, like χρυσανθής, πολυανθής, πορφυρανθῆής, cf. Nicander Alex. 420 κακανθήεις. The πεδάγρη of |. 20 is imperative of πεδαγ- péw or πεδάγρημι; cf. Hesych. πεδάγ- petov : μεταδίωκτον, Theocr. 29. 28 παλινάγρετον, and the Lesbian use of aypéo for αἱρέω.
J. M. Epmonps.
Jesus College, Cambridge.
THE IGNORANCE OF ANTILOCHUS.
A Stupy IN INTERPOLATION.
WE should be grateful indeed if some beneficent fairy could unroll for us a mental cinematograph-film, showing us the different interpolators of Homer at work, and disclosing their thoughts and motives in the process. We to-day have studied the art of analysis to a nicety, and it often causes us to misunderstand the art of interpolation. Accustomed to dissection, we are apt to expect that the interpolator, before inserting his piece, went through the same rigid process as we do. This is not always the case. A particular gem must have sometimes demanded its way into the whole by popular applause, and it would have been listened to uncritically for its intrinsic beauty. A good instance of our change in habit of mind appears in the present stage-rendering of famous Shakesperean passages and that of a generation ago. An elderly acquaintance of mine has told me that in his youth a speech like ‘ All the world’s a stage’ would be spoken by the star, detached from the action of the play, and simply reciting to the audience. On the other hand, when I saw Mr. Oscar Asche in the character of Jaques, he took elaborate measures to assimilate this speech to the action and atmosphere of the woodland scene. He spoke it sitting at a rustic table and eating an apple. At the reference to the ‘lean and slippered pantaloon’ he pointed meaningly to a Guy-Fawkes-like character, obviously dressed to make this piece of business, who self-con-
sciously started at the gibe. Result, explosions from the audience.
Of the two I confess I prefer the old- fashioned style ; for the piece is a little poem of itself, and I prefer to sacrifice realism to pcetry rather than poetry to realism. I believe that a Greek would have listened in this spirit of detachment to such a piece as the weeping of Achilles’ horses. It might delay the action of the battle; it might be a piece of sentiment out of place. But it was moving in itself and subdued criticism. If a rhapsode had omitted it, popular clamour would probably have demanded its